What we eat and what we do not is simply
not a question of satiating hunger. Dietary preferences provide us with vital
cultural markers of identity. This column would like to explore how dietary
preferences are used to subjugate, oppress and systematically minoritize
certain groups over a period of time and keep them away from the portals of
power and privilege.
About two weeks ago news broke out that
the Maharashtra government had banned cow slaughter, and whoever sold, or was found
in possession of beef would be penalized
with five years’ imprisonment as well as a fine of Rs. 10,000. Thus,
consumption and sale of beef now became – as in many other states like Madhya
Pradesh and Delhi – a legal and punishable offence. While the case of banning
the consumption of beef is extreme, what one often misses is the subtle ways in
which the dietary preferences of a large number of people are being
manipulated. For instance, responding to a query on twitter, the
current Railways Minister, Suresh Prabhu said, “I am a vegetarian myself,
and I understand vegetarians may face problems since the food they eat on
trains and other railways facilities is cooked in the same kitchens as
non-vegetarian food”. Prabhu further said that “[w]hile it would be good if
everyone takes up vegetarianism” his ministry would make attempts to provide
separate kitchens for vegetarian and non-vegetarian food on trains.
While the connection between the ban on
the consumption of beef and the comments of the Railways Minister might not be
obvious, what one can clearly see is the discomfort with the consumption of
meat and meat products. The subtext to these comments and events is that one
should not indulge in the consumption of foods that have meat and meat products
in them. While separate kitchens have not yet been, thankfully, enforced in the
trains, the ban on the consumption of beef has already caused severe problems
for those Muslim communities that are engaged in the trade to supply beef. It
is estimated
that the “Maharashtra government’s decision to ban beef is likely to affect
nearly 20 lakh people of [the] Quresh community, whose livelihoods depend on
this business. Apart from them, the leather industry, farmers, middlemen,
workers at slaughterhouses and retailers associated with the business have also
been affected”. What is also important to note is that not only is the beef
industry a source of livelihood to a large number of people, but it also
provides a cheap and additional source of protein to the poor, especially those
poor who belong to the scheduled castes and tribes.
Days after the ban was imposed on cow
slaughter and the consumption of beef, the
Maharashtra government withdrew 5 percent reservations for Muslims in
educational institutions. This policy of allowing 5 percent reservations
for Muslims was introduced by the previous government in Maharashtra on the
basis of the report of the Mehmood ur-Rehman Committee. The Committee was set
up to assess the socio-economic conditions of Muslims in Maharashtra – which
one can presume without doubt, was lacking in several areas. What we can
clearly observe is how governmental policies seem to be systematically
snatching away from a beleaguered community food, livelihood, and its right to
education.
One of the immediate responses to the
ban on beef, and indeed all such attempts to ban beef in the past has been to
point out that one should not have a problem with the consumption of beef as
even in Vedic times the brahmins ate beef. While this is true, and no less a
scholar than Dr. B.
R. Ambedkar has written a detailed study on this topic, one should be
slightly wary of framing a response in such a manner. What such a response
suggests is that the benchmark of proper behavior is that of the high caste
Hindu and everything else should be accommodated within these norms. This can
also be seen in the manner in which consumption of meat, termed as
‘non-vegetarian’, is defined as a negative image of vegetarian dietary preferences.
Such a response would only reinforce the current norms of Indian political life
that privilege upper caste Hindu cultures. To this extent, one acknowledges
that certain communities are excluded from active and mainstream political
representation, but one does not create a discourse that would allow these same
excluded groups any space in political life.
The effect of de-legitimizing dietary
and other cultures of minoritized groups, and the framing of the protests
against such acts from the reference point of high caste Hindu subjectivity,
obscures the fact of the systematic de-legitimization being carried out as well
as not recognize the assertions and claims of minoritized groups in mainstream
political life. Atul Anand of the Tata Institute of Social Sciences views the
demand of beef being consumed publicly as a political assertion from the “marginalised
sections” or the groups that are being minoritized. He further argues that
the ban on beef consumption is about maintaining upper caste hegemony in
mainstream politics.
What we have seen in the foregoing is
how certain events, comments, and policy decisions create conditions that
facilitate the suppression of non-dominant cultures, leading them to be
eventually minoritized. Thus, it can be suggested that groups are de facto not minorities, but are made so
through a slow and insidious process. The snatching away of livelihood and
educational opportunities from the Muslim communities in Maharashtra, is a case
in point. The issue on the ban of beef cannot be confined solely to an issue
that affects the Muslim community alone. Neither should it be seen only in
terms of an issue that impinges on our political freedoms. As many of my
previous columns on the increasing instances of communalization and
anti-minority violence have stressed, what we are witnessing today is not a
problem of these last few months, but the culmination of a history of almost a
hundred years.
In order to imagine and create a
democratic, egalitarian, and a just society, the path ahead is not to
delegitimize the cultural practices of minoritized groups, but to actively
support and encourage them.
Thanks to Angela Ferrao for permitting me to use her illustration on my blog.
Thanks to Angela Ferrao for permitting me to use her illustration on my blog.
(First published in O Heraldo, dt: 18 March, 2015)
No comments:
Post a Comment