PASTORAL LETTERS AND INDIANNESS

Over the last couple of years, pastoral letters written by various bishops in India have led to national furore over their contents. While the writing of pastoral letters is routine, these letters found themselves in the eye of the storm largely because they were written around the time of elections and referenced the problematic political conditions affecting minoritized caste and religious groups. The most recent of such pastoral letters to have received the attention and ire of Indian media is written by Anil Couto, the Archbishop of Delhi. But if one considers all the recent statements together, a particular pattern emerges – one that concerns the health of the Indian polity. Let us proceed chronologically.

In 2015, the Bharatiya Bhasha Suraksha Manch (BBSM) led a campaign that demanded that English as a medium of instruction (MoI) in primary schools to be not funded by the Goa government. Despite a widespread demand from all sections of Goan society for English, the BBSM and other such right-wing organizations blamed Catholics and the Church for going against the interest of Indian culture. As is usual, these organizations attempted to pit ‘Hindu sentiment’ against the Christian communities in Goa. In response to the false accusations, the Archbishop of Goa and Daman, Felipe Neri Ferrao at the annual Christmas civic reception pointed out that in terms of education, and in other matters like religious tolerance and Goa’s environmental destruction the role of the Church was viewed with suspicion.

What followed the speech at the civic reception were wild accusations about the Church not being Indian enough – or being directly responsible for Goan Christians being disloyal to Goan ethos and Indian culture. An editor of a prominent Marathi daily – who recently coined the bizarre and Islamophobic term “Kristi Jihad” – even went to the extent of finding proof of the Archbishop’s/Church’s un-Indianness in the fact that the gathering was addressed in English!

Towards the end of 2017 and with the Gujarat State legislative assembly elections round the corner, Thomas Macwan, the Archbishop of Gandhinagar found his pastoral latter being splashed across TV news channels, and loud, uncouth debates conducted over its contents. The letter cautioned that the growing influence of nationalism was threatening the core constitutional values of India. The relevant portion of the letter needs to be quoted for a better understanding of what Archbishop Macwan was concerned about: “We are aware that the secular fabric of our country is at stake. Human rights are being violated. The constitutional rights are being trampled. Not a single day goes without an attack on our churches, church personnel, faithful or institutions. There is a growing sense of insecurity among the minorities, OBCs, BCs, poor etc”.

Archbishop Macwan’s letter was directed to re-claim what he understood to be an Indianness – secular in character – that is disintegrating due to ugly power struggles. Even if India may not have a great track record of upholding secularism and protecting marginalized groups in the past, letters such as those of Archbishop Macwan repose faith in the founding principles of the Indian constitution. The manner in which this is done is by swearing allegiance to a certain idea of nationhood – or Indianness – for securing rights and citizenship. However, it is becoming increasingly clear that there is a gap, an ever widening gap, between the noble principles enshrined in the Indian constitution and contemporary Indian nationalism (irrespective of political leanings); there is no equality as such and there are no equal partners in this nationhood.

Which is why we are in a situation wherein only few groups can legitimately speak for the ‘nation’ – and ‘minorities’, or the minoritized are not a part of this group. This was very clear through the furore that followed Archbishop Couto’s letter; most had no idea what was so objectionable in the letter. In many ways, one could consider Archbishop Couto’s letter (along with Archbishop Ferrao’s recent letter) as similarly directing our attention to hold fast onto the founding constitutional principles. While we welcome the calls for following the constitutional principles, one has to be careful while understanding the repeated references to the “secular fabric” of India. One cannot assume that there was secularism which is now under threat; the numerous instances of planned sectarian violence over the course of the last half century against marginalized groups are a case in point. Secularism, if one goes by its fraught history in India, is not something that seamlessly exists with the current idea of Indian nationhood, but a promise that needs to be realized.

And it is precisely in times of elections – or impending elections – that one feels the threat to the constitutional principles. In this sense, many of the bishops in India who have expressed concerns about the political future of the people owing to an election cannot be faulted. However, if one thinks that it is only in times of elections that one can stop the rapid rot of the Indian political system then one is sadly mistaken. Elections come and go and short-term politicking does little to improve the lot of the poor and marginalized.

In times of deep political crisis, one feels the need for moral leadership. In this sense, the Church in India is quite suited considering its systematic and long-term charity work and the ideas of compassion it brings to public life. Therefore, it is legitimate for the Church to be concerned and act in the here and now, without compromising its core values. But it has to recognize that marginalization of various groups is a deeper problem, beyond the scope of nationalism and elections. 

(First published in O Heraldo, dt: 6 June, 2018)

CASH, RELIGIOUS INSTITUTIONS AND THE LIVES OF ORDINARY PEOPLE

What does one make of an openly Hindu nationalist government, under whom the Income Tax (IT) department has sent a notice to the Archdiocese of Goa to declare the 500 and 1000 denomination notes in their possession? This move came in the wake of the central government’s decision to withdraw old notes from circulation; setting in motion one of the worst financial crises in recent Indian history. Arguably, if Christians are incensed, if there is outrage in the press, and if the opposition parties are baying for the blood of the ruling party – even if it is meant for “doing politics” – it seems to be eminently justified. How can anybody be so insensitive as to add to the existing chaos?

By the time this article appears in print, enough would have been said on the issue; with the Church hierarchy in Goa submitting the necessary documents and data to the IT department in record time, the issue appears to be like an open-and-shut case. However, the manner in which the various responses were structured around the issue leaves much to be discussed. It is also long overdue to ask how the interventions of religious institutions affect politics and the lives of ordinary people.

While the Church emerged with a clear moral high ground in this case, past instances of its alleged dubious financial deals have left a bad taste in the mouths of many of its faithful. One wonders why the Church couldn’t have speedily addressed the issue of the Vanxim island sale in a similar manner to the IT department notice? From what the Church authorities have conveyed to the public, all churches and chapels in Goa were pressed into service for providing the necessary documents, proving that the Church can organize itself within a short span of time and rise to such challenges despite the inherent discrimination from the bureaucratic machinery. Arguably, such efficiency in getting things done can also be extended to other issues that are plaguing the faithful in Goa. Otherwise it would seem that the Church acts only when it is arm-twisted into action, but doesn’t heed the pleas of the faithful.

By only acting in extra-ordinary circumstances, the Church is rather abdicating its role and its calling of leading the faithful. It is up to the Church hierarchy to reflect deeply on the happenings of the past couple of weeks and make sure that the functioning of the Church benefits, in reality, the multitude of lay parishioners who have always looked up to it.

The news of the IT notice also witnessed many politicians quickly claiming that the churches, like Hindu temples, should also be exempted from the purview of the Income Tax Act. The Rajya Sabha MP, Shantaram Naik, for instance, said that a similar provision like the Lei das Mazanias or Mahajan Act could be extended to the Churches in Goa. Such statements came in the wake of several newspapers in Goa making enquiries if any of the large and important temples in Goa had received similar notices like the Archdiocese.

The Mahajan Act, which is now being heavily contested by bahujan groups in many places in Goa, exempts temples from the “compulsion” to pay income tax. As Herald explained a few days ago, “Audits of devasthans are verified by Mamlatdars and there is no compulsion to pay Income Tax, as financial auditing is done by their own appointed CAs and finally verified by the Mamlatdar”. Asking the people of Goa – particularly Christians – to not be “misled”, BJP’s Nilesh Cabral informed that the temples “come under the Mazania Act and the government takes care of all the accounts”. Other temples outside Goa have also been sent notices, he added.

Even if this is so, it doesn’t explain why such a short time was given to the Church authorities. Further, saying that everything is fine as per the Mazania Act is to ignore the protests against the said Act. The recent protests have highlighted how temples are under the control of upper-caste groups, thanks to the same Mazania Act, whereas the bahujan groups have little or no say in the functioning of the temple.

Hence it is rather odd that the provisions and spirit of the same heavily-contested Mazania Act would be held up as worthy of extending to other religious communities. 

In such a scenario, where the manner in which the religious institutions are run can affect the lives of the members of that religious community owing to the internal fractures and conflicts, the argument that the IT notice can lead to hurt religious sentiments appears to be misguided. To be fair, protests of hurt sensibilities – in the case of Christians, for instance – highlight how communities are pushed in a corner in a Hindu majoritarian setup. So there is some merit to this suggestion, however to say that the IT notice will hurt religious sentiments would mean that we miss the forest for the trees. While it is definitely a problem with the manner in which the government intervenes (or does not) in religious institutions, perhaps this is not a bad time to reflect on how religious institutions themselves can further marginalize beleaguered communities. It is this that needs to be taken care of as well. 

(And edited version was published in O Heraldo, dt: 7 December, 2016)

READING ‘THE KINDNESS MANIFESTO’: POLITICS AND FR. BISMARQUE

When you wanted a cool atmosphere, instead of providing shade,

We cut trees and gave you air conditioners

I am sorry, extremely sorry. I believe the cry of the

Earth is also the cry of our beautiful Children

– The Kindness Manifesto

How does one read Fr. Bismarque Dias’ The Kindness Manifesto, which was used by him during campaigning for the Goa assembly elections in 2012? Eschewing grand rhetoric about development – or such other populist-phrases – the Manifesto sought to make environmental degradation as central to politics. To begin with, we have to contextualize the Manifesto with the contemporary political realities in Goa. Being a priest, Fr. Bismarque’s ethical understanding was also structured by theological and spiritual influences, and one needs to look at these too. Given that the Manifesto was primarily concerned with an ethical understanding of environmental degradation and its redressal through electoral politics, a lot can be learnt by reading the Manifesto. 

Perhaps like all good ideas, The Kindness Campaign was too ahead of its times. Back in 2012, when Fr. Bismarque convened his first press conference at Old Goa, under the shadow of the Gandhi statue, the reporters seemed to be befuddled with his Manifesto. Compared to the manifestos of other political parties, Fr. Bismarque’s Manifesto lacked a point-by-point developmental agenda. As Fr. Bismarque’s foray into politics was precisely an attempt to bridge the gap between spirituality/ethics and the ground realities in Goa, it was quite unfortunate that there was no deeper engagement in charting out a political vision.

Though many people in Goa could easily see the link between Fr. Bismarque’s Manifesto and the ground realities in Goa, and sympathized and admired his grit and determination, it did not translate into votes. Let us again go back to 3 March 2012. On this day of reckoning for the Manifesto, it is interesting to consider the testimony of a Catholic voter from Cumbharjua: Richard Gomes a Cumbharjua voter said in an interview to Outlook, “‘No Catholic candidate can win in Cumbharjua, so we have to look for alternatives,’ …[because] ‘Hindus are communal, and will never vote for a Catholic in this [Cumbharjua] seat. Since they are a majority, we all have to find a candidate who is somewhat okay with us and responsive to our concerns’”.

Whether the logic of Richard Gomes is a false equivalence or not, the issue here is about whether voters in Goa can make choices that can empower them. The immediacy to survive in the current political climate can render any attempts at better political visions ineffective. Thus, the question that the Manifesto did not engage with was why environmental degradation had to be fought first rather than battling for political representation.  This issue also needs as urgent attention as environmental degradation, precisely because skewed political representation enables anti-environmental policies and laws on the populace by giving power to those that have very little concern for the environment.

The nature of ideas that the Manifesto articulated are not very new within the Catholic Church, and have been around for at least a hundred years. Long before the current Pope issued his Encyclical Letter, ‘Laudato Si’: On Care of Our Common Home’, in May 2015, trying to raise awareness about environmental degradation, faulty governmental policies the world over, and its impact on the poor of the world, Fr. Bismarque’s Kindness Campaign attempted to raise awareness about these very issues. Despite his conflicts with the Church hierarchy in Goa, Fr. Bismarque’s Manifesto and activism need not be seen in isolation, but constituting a part of this larger world of ideas and activism.

One needs to focus closely on the forgiveness the Manifesto sought to ask from the “children” for destroying the “Earth”. The idea of asking forgiveness, I would argue, draws its inspiration from conventional Catholic theology. Further on, Franciscan spirituality with its emphasis on celebrating nature as God’s creation and therefore lovingly preserving it, can be said to be the other influence. Interestingly, the Manifesto is structured in the form of a poem or a song, as opposed to the usual bullet-pointed claims that one finds in other political/electoral manifestos. The Manifesto, therefore, can be linked to ‘The Canticle of Brother Sun’ by St. Francis of Assisi (not surprisingly an inspiration for the ‘Laudato Si’’, given that Pope Francis takes his name from the author of the ‘Canticle’). Just like that document, the Manifesto argues for eschewing wealth and riches in favor of poverty and simple living. The Manifesto sought to fashion a Goan self that would relate compassionately to nature, as a political act. To vote for Fr. Bismarque was therefore a vote to change one’s relationship with nature.

A reading of the Manifesto with how electoral representation is structured in Goa reveals that Fr. Bismarque had to deal with many tough and complex issues. This is a predicament that many people face in Goa. Though the Manifesto emphasized the future of children, there was no attempt to address social and economic inequalities as they occur on the ground – while spiritual/theological understandings within the Christian Church clearly see environmental degradation impacting social and economic inequalities. How to bridge the gap between political vision and environmental degradation, political inaction, and rising religious fundamentalism in Goa is not just a question for Fr. Bismarque’s close associates and friends, but also for the people of Goa, and the Church hierarchy – with whom Fr. Bismarque had a tortuous relationship. This is needed if we do not want his ‘martyrdom’ to be worthless and in vain.

Illustration by Angela Ferrao

(First published in O Heraldo, dt: 25 November, 2015)