Some days ago, I
came across an article in an
online portal titled “Bad Drivers are a Good Indicator of a Corrupt
Government” by Christopher Groskopf. This article offered a provocative
conclusion: “If you’re in a country where everyone drives on the sidewalk and
nobody stops at stop signs, you can be pretty sure the government isn’t working
right”. Most of the studies that
Groskopf cited in this article were done by economists depending on statistical
calculations, who specialized in traffic fatalities, natural disasters and
their link to corrupt or inefficient government services.
These studies
can help us in understanding the rampant problem of traffic accidents in Goa,
as they attempt to discuss universal factors involved in people losing lives in
motor vehicle accidents. Moreover, being exposed to different perspectives
would help us see what is specific to Goa and
what is not. While the link between corruption and traffic fatalities is
important, we also need to read the narrative of ‘corruption’ with social and
economic realities in Goa.
In the study
titled, “The
Direct and Indirect Effects of Corruption on Motor Vehicle Crash Deaths”,
Law Teik Hua and others argue that “corruption” impacts the count of road
accident deaths in two ways: the direct mechanism, in which corruption reduces
the “stringency of road safety regulation and enforcement”; and the indirect
mechanism, wherein corruption impacts the per capita income, thereby reducing/increasing
motorization and consequently reducing/increasing road accidents. In another
study titled, “Factors
Associated with the Relationship between Motorcycle Deaths and Economic Growth”
by the abovementioned authors, the role of inefficient political institutions
is highlighted. Motorcycle deaths were observed to have dwindled as road safety
policy measures were enforced by political institutions that were committed to
do so. The infrastructure of health services and the response to casualties
also influenced the statistics of road accident deaths.
An important
distinction is made between ‘legal drivers’ and ‘safe drivers’ by Nejat Anbarci
and others in their study “Traffic
Fatalities and Public Sector Corruption”. Anbarci and others argue that it
is public and governmental corruption that produces ‘legal drivers’ but not
‘safe drivers’. We are provided with a schema of how corruption works to
produce ‘unsafe drivers’. Assuming that licenses can be easily procured by a
payment of a bribe or that the authorities are lax when it comes to following
proper procedure to issue licenses, a driver is more likely disposed to take
the easy way out. Thus, he/she has a legal license, but is not skilled enough
and is more likely to put himself/herself and others at risk on the roads. Not
just road accident deaths, but economists have also written about the links of
public sector corruption with natural disasters such as earthquakes. Factors
such as substandard materials in construction, lack of checks and inspections,
and an inefficient system to respond to natural disasters, all can have links,
one way or another, to the levels of corruption in the public sector.
Thus, the idea
that public sector corruption impacts directly or indirectly traffic-related
and other deaths is credibly established by researchers discussed above. Yet
again it is the role of the State that is highlighted as important in order to
prevent motor vehicle deaths. In other words, the State should play the role of
a neutral arbiter, enforcing a just rule of law. In India, this becomes an
acute problem as widespread corruption relating to traffic management is reported
frequently, and even acknowledged
by high-level government officials. It is said that people end up paying
more bribes to traffic cops, although most government offices are dens of
corruption. Whether traffic related corruption is higher than other areas is not
the issue. Rather we should think about how this traffic related corruption is
antithetical to human dignity and realizing a democratic society.
In India and in Goa
other factors come into play such as those of class and caste. The poor who are
forced to live on the streets may sometimes get run over and become victims of
road rage. By the logic and method of the studies discussed above, one could
argue that such incidents are related to the income of the poor – they are
forced to live on the streets because they have no income or very little
income. However, the social structure in India denies the basic right to
earn a livelihood to many. Road-related corruption can also be a symptom
of the entrenched structures of caste and class, in this case. Thus, if at
all income of persons is in any way linked to road accident related deaths,
merely building wider roads would not suffice. A social and economic change in
the lives of people is also needed. Further, the classist bias of the system in
Goa and India
is visible in the manner in which roads are seen as a privilege of the high-end
car users. The pedestrian foot paths, for instance, are seldom given preference
and a large part of these pedestrians come from the socially and economically
lower castes and classes. How much a society is willing to accommodate the
rights of pedestrians, the least powerful on roads, would indicate the
seriousness to address the problem of road rage and deaths due to road
accidents.
A holistic
understanding of the problem is the need of the hour. All concerned – the
individual drivers, the urban planners, and the government needs to recognize
how they contribute to the problem of road rage and road accident deaths.
Corruption does contribute to the problem, but it is also a symptom of existing
societal structures.
Illustration: Angela Ferrao.
(First published on O Heraldo, dt: 25 May, 2016)