The commencement
of the monsoons about a week ago seems to have caught the authorities and
public works departments napping. The pathetic manner in which public amenities
and resources are (mis)managed add to the frustration and desperation that the
citizens of Goa feel, and have felt for a long time. The water-clogged streets
of Panjim, Mapusa, and Margao are a manifestation of mismanaged governance. If
such incidents happen time after time, year after year, then one wouldn’t be
off the mark in categorically stating that Goa is a failed State – in the sense
of an administrative and political entity. It has been failing for a long time
now.
Since the State
fails repeatedly in its duties no matter which political party is in power, it
could be suggested that Goan politics has been stuck in a vicious circle for
some time now. The vicious circle begins with the repeated failure of the State
regardless of the political party at the helm of governance and the ensuing
frustration and desperation of the citizens. This leader of a political party
or of a social movement – often a charismatic figure – emerges as a figure
whose leadership provides the momentum for the change in political fortunes. This
leader, invariably as he, is presented as the only savior who can bring about
radical and revolutionary changes. Often this charismatic leader gains
visibility through the successful staging of ‘spectacles’ such as protest
marches or massive rallies at election times.
The argument
here is that contemporary Goan politics is about the mobilization of people –
in a metaphorical sense – from desperation to hope, and back to the cesspit of
desperation. The fundamental and structural problems in Indian politics – be
they of caste, language, region, gender, governance, unemployment – are left unaddressed.
Problems that drive people into the vicious circle of desperation – hope –
desperation in the first place.
While the
vicious circle of desperation – hope – desperation may oppress us, to counter
it we see the emergence of activists groups and movements, small and large,
that attempt to correct the failing State. They are concerned with giving more
power to the ordinary citizens in the process of governance. For instance, if
there are massive irregularities in land sale across villages, we see many
citizen groups emerging that attempt to stop it. They petition the State or
they drag them to the court in order to stop the irregularities. So far such
movements, though numerous, have had a very limited impact on the functioning
of the State and its bureaucracy because their access to state machinery is
limited. Such movements have to depend on the goodwill of the political bosses
and the bureaucratic machinery to legislate laws that will work in their favor.
Since the
activism route does not really work, one has to go back to electoral politics
to gain access to the bureaucratic machinery. The only way one can do it is by
organizing spectacular rallies. For instance, the case of the Aam Aadmi Party
(AAP) in Goa is quite illustrative. Members of AAP campaigned vigorously
door-to-door before their massive public rally at Campal. Thus, the massive
rally was a key moment both for the self-image of an outfit like AAP and also
for others to take them seriously.
With Arvvind
Kejriwal projected as a savior and the Goan State riddled with scams and
corruption, AAP appears to be ideally positioned to give hope to the Goan
masses. In Kejriwal, AAP has the ideal person who emerges from the bureaucratic
system which has repeatedly failed the people, and who postures himself as
someone who can run it efficiently; indeed, someone who can deliver basic
amenities. Additionally he is also the activist who was frustrated by the bureaucratic
system. The interesting thing about the AAP is that it acknowledges the
problems existing in the State/bureaucratic machinery but emphasizes only the
mismanagement and corruption of previous political parties. But this does not
account for the fact that it is the state machinery that has seldom worked in
the favor of the masses. Political parties come into power and then they are
kicked out after a slew of controversies and scams, but the mechanisms of the
state are longer-lasting. Bureaucratic machinery is more resilient than the
fortunes of a political party.
It is necessary,
however, to suggest that there is no point in indulging in utopian visions.
There is a value to these visions as long as one also recognizes the urgent
necessity of having options in politics; of having a cushion to fall back on in
case grand political mobilizations fall flat on their faces. What is meant by
having options in politics is akin to having dual citizenship (in the Goan
context) allowing us to infuse Goan politics with regimes based on legal rights
and also contribute meaningfully to the political systems that uphold these
rights.
The word
‘tamasha’ in the title was used specifically for apart from highlighting the
problematic role of spectacles, to also play on the two meanings of the word in
many South Asian languages. In the first instance, a ‘tamasha’ could mean a
performance for entertainment; in the second it could mean talk or actions
devoid of any intrinsic meaning. Without recognizing that the State has failed
on several counts and the people in Goa have no choice but to be stuck in a
vicious circle, Goan politics will forever be a ‘tamasha’. The vicious circle,
of course, may never be broken.
(A shorter version of this article was published in O Heraldo, dt: 22 June, 2016)
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