TECHNOLOGY AND COVID-19

 

All the worst predictions about COVID-19 have, thus far, been proven true. Whether it was the rise of infection in a particular month, or the fact that the Government would clear “projects” in the absence of any opposition, or the increase in poverty and unemployment, the COVID-19 crises have deepened existing inequalities in accessing basic resources for sustenance, and technological ones such as internet and smart phones. With India’s GDP diminishing to about 23 percent in the first quarter, these technological inequalities will deepen further.

 

Goa’s Chief Minister, Pramod Sawant, had, a couple of months ago, made a candid admission that all people do not have access to technology like smart phones and internet. “Arogya Setu [app] is not compulsory. However, those who have smart phones need to compulsorily download the app,” he said. While the statement appears to contradict itself, the condition that only those who have smart phones exposes the gap in access to technology. All people in India do not have access to technology which means that the Government’s strategy of using apps and smart phones for communication is misguided.

 

The unequal or poor-quality access to technology is now hampering the education of children. The sudden switch to online and smart phone-based teaching has left many parents and teachers in the lurch. We have seen several examples of students climbing the roofs of their houses or a hill to get better internet coverage. We have also seen parents selling their meagre property to purchase a smart phone.

 

In Kerala, for instance, sometime back a photo of students perched on the roof of her house went viral. Many applauded the dedication of the students. But the viral photo actually suggests how deeply flawed is our education system, even in a state like Kerala which scores high marks in human development indices. Though the Kerala government has been proactive in making resources available, especially through television classes, the access to a television is also difficult for families who depend on daily wage jobs. But the gap between the haves and the haves not of technological access is wider than before.

 

Since 2002, successive governments in Goa, under the chief ministerships of Manohar Parrikar and Digambar Kamat, have implemented the Cyber Age scheme. Under this scheme, students after completing SSC were to be given computers and later laptops at a subsidized rate. The scheme did not meet the targets of promoting e-learning and computer literacy. A couple of years ago, the government once again floated another iteration of the Cyber Age scheme, for the year 2017-18. The 2017-18 iteration too did not succeed as it hardly reached households that needed computers or laptops the most during the lockdown.

 

One thing is clear that had the Cyber Age scheme been implemented properly, along with strengthening the e-learning facilities in schools, the shocks of COVID-19 in education would have been minimally felt. Another problem in promoting computer literacy, apart from the logistics and distribution of quality equipment, is access to internet. Before the lockdown was implemented, rural areas had spotty internet at best.

 

Despite the lack of basic technology in primary education, the Government has been repeatedly promoting higher technocratic education, such as engineering, through the IITs. Thus, the technocratic and merit-based vision of India’s future, nurtured by the so-called middle classes for so long, is a mirage. The crores of rupees spent promoting technocratic education and to create professionals for the IT industry, for example, has not seeped down to the lowest strata of Indian society. There are considerable number of areas in India where even spotty internet access is a distant dream.

 

In Goa, too, we have seen similar hardships faced by our students, especially in the rural areas. As such one needs to ask if technological innovation and technocratic education—the IT and engineering careers—have really benefitted Goa. The pandemic, while exposing the yawning gaps in access, has also made it evident that technocracy and STEM education has not created innovation that is required in a fundamentally unequal society.

 

As such the new IIT project in Guleli—which was shifted there after intense opposition from Canacona and Sanguem—seems like a case of misplaced priorities. The IIT project once again is promoted as a way of encouraging Goans to compete for a spot in a top-quality engineering training as well as boosting regional infrastructure and investment. Both these claims, touted even during the pandemic, seem hollow and a far cry from the reality of poor access to something as basic as the internet and smart phones.

 

Considering e-learning and technology, we must not forget that what literally powers these devices is electricity. The electricity supply is not regular; there are frequent power cuts. In the rural areas, sometimes there are power cuts for hours on end, if not more. In such a scenario how does one even begin to promote cutting-edge technology, least of all in teaching and learning?

 

In the last few weeks, the Goa government has announced that local bodies will be circumvented to set up telephone towers and lay cables to improve internet connectivity. Such a move seems directed to bypass any opposition or due process. Rather than taking the people into confidence during a difficult time, the Government chose to ignore them. This appears to be another way of clearing “projects” despite public opposition in the guise of fixing a COVID-19 related problem.

 

In the absence of basic services, pertaining to water and electricity supply to name a few, it is unwise to talk about e-learning or smart learning. Or even to promote advanced technical education because this will only deepen existing hierarchies and privilege. The COVID-19 crisis is proof that we need to strengthen basic infrastructure more than anything else.

 

(First published in O Heraldo, dt: 2 September, 2020)

SUSEGAD GOANS AND EMPLOYMENT

The Chief Minister Manohar Parrikar’s comments on employment on the floor of the assembly during the 2017 winter session highlighted the serious issue of unemployment prevailing in Goa. Mr. Parrikar said that reserving 80% of the jobs for locals was a pre-condition for granting permissions to set up shop in Goa for various companies and industries.

For some months now, the issue of Goans being gainfully employed within Goa itself has been raised not only with a view to tackle unemployment, but to also safeguard Goan identity. This issue has been articulated by spokespersons of political parties, and ministers within the current government, as best tackled by reserving jobs for Goan youth, particularly in the private sector. There is a sense that the government can no longer be the chief locus of employment for Goan youth and hence the need for employment in private sectors. This would also expose young Goans to the highly competitive world of private corporations, as opposed to government employment that seemingly does not require high performance. In all these statements from various quarters, one cannot help but observe a subtle assumption running through: that there is a problem of unemployment in Goa because Goans do not want to work hard, or are not good enough.

Even if all these statements are well intentioned and the subtle assumption that Goans are not hard-working an unconscious one, it drives us to focus on the issue of the various stages leading to employment: education, training, and finally the entry into the job market. One needs to take a step back and think about training or the acquisition of skills through education in a broader sense. Education, in this regard, should not only prepare a young person for the existing job market, but should also open up an individual’s horizons to a wide range of opportunities beyond the services demanded by a neo-liberal economy – where the market is believed to regulate economic relations and the profit is earned by the corporations leaving the risks and loses for the government – as is the case with our current economic setup in India.

Time and again, it has been emphasized by many writers and commentators in Goa that the basic structure of education has serious flaws in it. The Medium of Instruction issue, whereby the preferred choice of language for a child’s education was not actively supported by successive governments, indicated that quality education – but most importantly, equal education – is not available to all members of Goan society. Rather than allowing English education that would help the poorer sections in getting jobs, the government wanted to saddle these very groups with the burden of ‘mother tongue’. In terms of higher education and the proposed plans for expanding its scope, the government wanted to promote technical education, rather than a holistic approach that promotes the sciences and humanities. This we saw in the manner in which a new IIT was proposed in Canacona in 2016, and the various arguments that were put forth for the setting up of such an institution.

When there is talk of reserving jobs for Goans or positively discriminating in favor of Goans, one should also think about how existing reservations for discriminated-against communities, i.e. caste-based reservations, in educational institutions – both in terms of seats for students and jobs for teachers – are scuttled on a regular basis in Goa. In terms of education/training leading eventually to jobs, such discriminatory practices in the universities contribute to the unemployment of members of these communities. So, the system creates disadvantages for certain students right at the beginning, during their education, and those who somehow overcome these hurdles are denied the jobs reserved for them, despite having the necessary qualifications. Perhaps there is an irony here considering the current debate. Young students are disadvantaged as far as their education is concerned, while one expects them to somehow possess skills that would prepare them for the job market.

The view expressed in the assembly and the press suggesting that Goans should consider settling for lesser pay and difficult working conditions (even as a way of gaining experience and exposure) means that there is an acknowledgement that poor salaries are also a problem along with unemployment. Even if jobs are reserved, the government’s policy does not deal with the fact that Goan youth need to be shielded from poor salaries. If such a step is ensured through policy and law, it would be against the neo-liberal setup and thus discourage investment in Goa. Even if jobs are assured, good working conditions are not.

One thing should be clear from the foregoing: reserving jobs for Goans is not enough if Goan identity is to be fostered. It needs to be ensured whether the steps taken by the government, in fact, promote the interests of Goans, and improve the living conditions inside Goa. If unemployment is to be tackled then one needs to take into consideration related areas such as education, which eventually has a bearing on identity as well.

Contrary to popular belief in sections of the media and the political establishment, Goans are seeking work and not sloth, as can be seen with Goans migrating in droves. Thus, there is no dearth of persons who are determined to do the hard work. In order to tackle unemployment as well the problems with Goan identity, decent working conditions must prevail in Goa. If the internal situation – be it political, economic, social, and infrastructural – is poor, then out-migration will always remain a better option.

(First published in O Heraldo, dt: 3 January, 2018)

CENTRES OF EXCELLENCE: EDUCATION AND SOCIAL JUSTICE

The villagers of Loliem-Polem in Canacona are up in arms. They are opposing, it seems, a ‘mega project’. Only in this case, the ‘mega project’ in question is a proposal for a new sprawling 120-acre campus of the Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) to be set up in Goa. Considering that this is a plan for the development of cutting-edge higher education, some people are at a loss to understand the protest. However, given Goa’s history with large-scale projects that gobble up land and other natural resources, one can see why the villagers are anxious about the take-over of so much land.

That apart, those who argue for the IIT campus to be set up in order to bring quality educational institutions to Goa may have good intentions, but do not seem to see the larger picture of what education is supposed to do for society. Hence, there is another dimension to the issue, that of social justice in education; one that needs to be considered along with the land issue. Given that IITs have witnessed the emergence of pro-Hindutva lobbies, as well as the recent anti-caste assertion, one would expect that those who bat for the IIT in Goa will take these happenings on board as well.

If we ask ourselves what is the most basic function of education, the answer surely would be to enable a person to be gainfully employed due to the skills that he receives after years of schooling and college. Additionally, we can also say that the educational system needs to produce enlightened citizenry. To that end, everyone should have a right to an education. But in recent years, we have witnessed repeated instances of discriminatory practices that precisely undermine this right to education for all. While the issue of the Medium of Instruction (MoI) can be cited as an example of how primary education of young children is sacrificed at the altar of politicking, the unfortunate death of Rohith Vemula at the Hyderabad Central University illustrates how universities and higher educational institutions have a long way to go to secure social justice for the most marginalized of the population. This is why claims of excellence by elite Indian educational institutions need to be taken with a pinch of salt.

If we focus closely on the impact that the new IIT will have on Goa, it would seem that the benefits would not accrue to the majority of the locals as easily as one may think. Getting into IITs is not easy. Especially since admissions are done on the basis of the Joint Entrance Exam (JEE) in which lakhs of aspirants try their luck. The preparation for the JEE generally requires specialized ‘coaching’ in private institutes, where the candidates have to pay lakhs of rupees. There was an argument that the new IIT campus in Goa will be a boost for the largely agrarian communities of Loliem-Polem and surrounding areas. However, considering the immense financial capital necessary to prepare for the entrance exam, would the children of such agrarian communities in Loliem-Polem – or for that matter any such communities in Goa – be able to fairly compete? One doesn’t think so.

While an IIT may spring up, it is no guarantee of equal opportunity. To add to it, majority of Goan students would be disadvantaged because they do not possess the resources necessary to “crack” the entrance exam. Implementing policies of social justice and inclusiveness has been a problem for all educational institutions in India. The idea that ‘merit’ trumps everything is at the root of discriminatory practices – often relating to caste – in Indian universities. While the universities oriented towards the humanities will at least be mildly embarrassed to peddle the argument of ‘merit’, even if caste-based discrimination goes on unabated, there are many technology institutes in India that still recruit students solely on the basis of ‘merit’. What ultimately this would mean is that if the ratio of a section of students in these elite campuses is low (such as Goan to non-Goan, or lower-caste to upper-caste), then these groups of students can be seen to lack ‘merit’, ‘talent’ or ‘ability’. Activists working on the issue of Dalit students in campuses have highlighted how they are discriminated against for lacking ‘merit’.

Speaking specifically of higher education in Goa, one cannot leave out Goa’s only university. For a small place like Goa, a centre of excellence should necessarily be one with a range of courses from the sciences to the humanities and social sciences. An establishment like the Goa University could be better suited, as opposed to an IIT whose focus is largely the sciences and technology. This is not to say that moving away from ‘only technical education’ to a combination of ‘technical-humanities education’ will make all the problems of discrimination, as discussed earlier, go away. Indeed, if the recent news reports and analysis of the manner in which affirmative action is scuttled in Goa University are to be taken note of, then it is indicative that having humanities-based courses does not guarantee a level playing-field. And yet one can make the case that having a range of courses from the sciences and humanities would allow a student access and choice to an all-round curriculum.

For if we are interested in bringing quality education and in making sure that the fruits of education reach all students, then our conception of higher education should be broader. The one-sided onus and value that is placed on technical and science-based education should give way to valuing the acquisition of various types of knowledges, even if it seems that such knowledge does not have an immediate market value. Indeed, fostering a community and culture requires that we also promote education in the humanities.

Making an argument for Goan students benefitting from centres of excellence set up on Goan soil, does not mean that one is making a ‘Goan v/s outsider’ argument, or that one is trying to suggest that non-Goan students are not welcome. Indeed, educational hubs can only be lively spaces when there is a diversity of scholars and students who interact with each other. However, there is something ‘colonial’ about arguments that completely ignore the fact that communities who lose their lands do not get much in return. ‘Colonial’ because giving up land can itself be extractive with guarantees of any returns being at best debatable.

Perhaps, we need to be open to the possibility that the people of Loliem-Polem are not just fighting to save a lush, fertile piece of land. 

Illustration: Angela Ferrao.

(A shorter version was first published in O Heraldo, dt: 12 October, 2016)